From the Socotra Islands in the Indian Ocean to the coasts of Somalia and Yemen, satellite imagery analyzed by Middle East Eye reveals a growing network of military and intelligence bases constructed by the United Arab Emirates (UAE).
This “security belt” around one of the world’s busiest maritime corridors has rapidly expanded since the October 7 attacks led by Hamas on Israel and the subsequent devastating war in Gaza.
Allies of the UAE — including Israel and the United States — have participated in building and expanding these bases.
Israeli officers have been stationed on the islands, while Israeli radar systems and other military and security equipment allow the UAE to monitor activity and prevent attacks by the Houthis — Iran’s allied movement — which have fired missiles at Israel in solidarity with the Palestinians and targeted ships transiting the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden.
The UAE and Israel also operate a joint intelligence-sharing platform known as the “Crystal Ball”, designed to “develop and implement regional intelligence capabilities” as part of their partnership.
Israeli diplomat Alon Pinkas, who served as an advisor to four Israeli foreign ministers, told Middle East Eye: “The UAE-Israel relationship was highly advanced even before official diplomatic ties, but it was managed quietly — not secret, just not publicly announced.”
These bases were not built on formally sovereign UAE territory but in areas under nominal control of its allies, including Yemen’s Southern Transitional Council, military leader Tariq Saleh, and local administrations in Somaliland and Puntland — regions within Somalia with strained relations with the UAE.
Military bases, runways, and other facilities have been established or expanded on Abd al-Kuri and Samha islands (part of Socotra under the Southern Transitional Council), as well as in Bosaso and Berbera in Puntland and Somaliland, Al-Mokha in Yemen, and Mayun (Perim) island in the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, through which about 30% of the world’s oil passes.
This network allows the UAE and its allies to control this vital maritime route and has been developed — according to Israeli sources — in close coordination with Israel, creating an integrated network for intelligence sharing and missile defense.
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, a U.S. pro-Israel think tank, described this new pattern: “Multilateral air-defense alliances have become a key feature of Middle Eastern defense since October 7, as countries share radar, intelligence, and early-warning systems.”
While the chain of bases plays a crucial role in monitoring global shipping and Iranian or Houthi activity in the region, Bosaso and Berbera have reportedly become key hubs supporting the UAE-backed Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in Sudan.
The UAE’s creation of this network around the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden mirrors its use of financial power to expand influence in several countries bordering Sudan, including southeastern Libya under General Khalifa Haftar, Chad, the Central African Republic, Uganda, Ethiopia, and Kenya.
The UAE also maintains two bases inside Sudan, a country at war since April 2023: one in Nyala, South Darfur, and another in Al-Malha, 200 km from El Fasher, the capital of North Darfur, which has been besieged for over 500 days by RSF forces.
Despite repeated denials, the UN considers multiple in-depth reports — including Middle East Eye’s investigations — highly credible regarding UAE support for the RSF. Washington has described the RSF’s actions in Sudan as acts of genocide.
Middle East Eye contacted the UAE Ministry of Foreign Affairs and its embassy in London for comment but received no response prior to publication.
The UAE has previously stated officially that “any presence in Socotra is humanitarian and coordinated with the Yemeni government and local authorities.”
UAE Expands Military and Intelligence Influence in the Horn of Africa and Arabian Sea
For decades, under Crown Prince Mohamed bin Zayed, the UAE has sought to expand military and political influence from the Gulf to the Horn of Africa, leveraging its wealth and strategic diplomacy supported by targeted military interventions.
Mohamed bin Zayed, of Abu Dhabi’s ruling Al Nahyan family, is a staunch opponent of political Islam and a key U.S. ally, with Washington heavily relying on the UAE in shaping regional policy. Although the UAE’s population is around 10 million, citizens number roughly 1 million, with the remainder being expatriates and foreign workers.
North Africa and political-economy analyst Jalil Harshoui noted that deteriorating conditions in Ethiopia, Libya, Yemen, Somalia, and Sudan allow the UAE to exert influence beyond its official military capacity, similar to Britain’s use of the East India Company in India.
Harshoui added that despite its small size, the UAE recognized by 2009–2011 that active engagement could protect its interests and prevent exploitation of vulnerabilities.
Yemen and Socotra: A Strategic Gateway
Yemen has been central to UAE foreign policy, particularly since 2015 when it co-led, alongside Saudi Arabia, a military coalition to support the Yemeni government against Iran-backed Houthis, deploying Sudanese RSF forces as part of the campaign.
In November 2015, the UAE leveraged Cyclone Chapala to deploy forces to the Socotra archipelago, gradually building infrastructure and consolidating a military presence. The archipelago came under UAE-aligned Southern Transitional Council control in June 2020.
Satellite imagery reveals airbases on Abd al-Kuri, Samha, and Mayun islands, as well as enhanced intelligence and military capacities, including runways able to host heavy military transport aircraft and Israeli drones, in cooperation with Israel under the Abraham Accords agreements.
A Red Sea-Spanning Base Network
These bases form part of a broader network including Bosaso and Berbera ports in Somalia, with UAE-established military facilities, deepwater ports, and a logistics fleet linking Yemeni islands to Horn of Africa ports. The UAE has used these ports to support allied forces in Sudan, transporting weapons and equipment, bypassing some international restrictions, including UN arms export bans.
Harshoui observed: “The current reality reflects a combination of massive propaganda, readiness for military intervention in multiple theaters, vast financial resources, and disregard for international norms.”
Regional Balance with Israel
While maintaining open relations with Israel, the UAE continues operations in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden, focusing on monitoring strategic sea lanes and Iranian/Houthi activity. Despite strategic cooperation with Israel in stability, counterterrorism, and regional deterrence, the recent Gaza conflict and regional tensions have strained some of these public alliances.
It remains clear that the UAE’s small size does not prevent it from pursuing ambitious geopolitical goals, positioning itself as a central player in maritime security and military strategy in the Horn of Africa and Arabian Sea.